Address in Mexico City.

Mr. President, distinguished guests:

My presence here today as the guest of the great Republic of Mexico is one of the truly happy occasions of my career. I might say, incidentally, that I never had such a welcome in my life. I am deeply moved to be here again, among my friends and neighbors. I have wanted to return to Mexico ever since November 1939, when I visited this city and enjoyed the memorable hospitality of the Mexican Congress. To my good friend President Miguel Aleman, and to all the people of Mexico, I say from the bottom of my heart: Thank you for your gracious welcome.

It is a common failing of many people to complain of hardships and overlook their good fortune. In the international sphere, many people emphasize the disagreements that separate nations and forget the large areas of agreement that bring nations together in mutual understanding. It would be foolish to pretend that fundamental differences in political philosophies do not exist. The task of achieving permanent peace and security for all mankind is not easy, but I am certain that permanent peace and security are the goal of all peoples everywhere, whatever their language, or nationality, race, or creed. Because of my belief that the peoples of the world have peace as a common objective, I refuse to be discouraged by apparent difficulties. Difficulties are a challenge to men of determination.

Mr. President, you refer to 1847. We did have tragic difficulties then. In fact, we had difficulties with our northern neighbor Canada in 1814. We also had a terrible quarrel between our own States. But, Mr. president, we have learned the hard way that peace is best at home and abroad with our neighbors. We have fought two world wars within a generation. We have found that the victor loses in total war as well as the vanquished.

If a realistic view of the world takes full account of the differences that separate nations, it must also take full account of the common beliefs that unite nations. Nowhere is this element of unity--unity of heart and mind--more evident than in the neighborly community of the American Republics. Here we recognize clearly that, as you have stated so concisely and eloquently, Mr. President, "together we must live and together we must prosper." Therefore, we must have world peace.

Here in the Western Hemisphere we have already achieved in substantial measure what the world as a whole must achieve. Through what we call our Inter-American System, which has become steadily stronger for half a century, we have learned to work together to solve our problems by friendly cooperation and mutual respect.

We have a good-neighbor policy in common and, as a result of this sincere application of that policy, we form a good neighborhood. Our example has a salutary effect upon the whole world. The success of our cherished Inter-American System is a source of inspiration for the developing system of the United Nations, of which we are all members.

We are united by more than the common procedures and agencies of inter-American cooperation. All our peoples have a common belief which we call democracy. Democracy has a spiritual foundation because it is based upon the brotherhood of man. We believe in the dignity of the individual. We believe that the function of the state is to preserve and promote human rights and fundamental freedoms. We believe that the state exists for the benefit of man, not man for the benefit of the state. Everything else that we mean by the word democracy arises from this fundamental conviction. We believe that each individual must have as much liberty for the conduct of his life as is compatible with the rights of others. To put this belief into practice is the essential purpose of our laws.

We know that the maximum freedom and dignity of the individual cannot be attained under a dictatorship. Freedom and dignity of the individual can be attained only under a system of law which protects the rights of individuals, and through a government made up of freely elected representatives of the people. When we have this, we have a democratic government--one that is suited to the democratic way of life.

This is a simple, fundamental truth.

The good-neighbor policy, which guides the course of our inter-American relations, is equally simple. It is the application of democracy to international affairs. It is the application of the Golden Rule.

The good-neighbor policy applies to international relations the same standards of conduct that prevail among self-respecting individuals within a democratic community. It is based upon mutual respect among nations, the respect that each accords to the rights of the other, without distinction of size, wealth, or power. It is an expression of that bond of common belief which we call democracy. It is the only road into the future that will lead us to our goal of universal peace and security. Along that road we shall persevere.

The good-neighbor policy specifically includes the Doctrine of Nonintervention. This assures each nation freedom for its own development. My country, in common with all the American Republics, pledged itself at the Conference of Montevideo in 1933 and the Conference of Buenos Aires in 1936 to observe the Doctrine of Nonintervention. What it means is that a strong nation does not have the right to impose its will, by reason of its strength, upon a weaker nation. The wholehearted acceptance of this doctrine by all of us is the keystone of the Inter-American System. Without it we could not exist as a community of good neighbors. It is a binding commitment under the good-neighbor policy. It is part of the basic international law recognized by all the American Republics. My own country will be faithful to the letter and to the spirit of that law.

Nonintervention does not and cannot mean indifference to what goes on beyond our own borders. Events in one country may have a profound effect in other countries. The community of nations feels concern at the violation of accepted principles of national behavior by any one of its members. The lawlessness of one nation may threaten the very existence of the law on which all nations depend.

In our domestic civil life we long ago recognized that the alternative to the rule of the strong was law established by the community. For some years now we have been seeking, with increasing success, to apply this basic concept to international relations. It is no coincidence that the effort to achieve collective world security has been concurrent with the growing acceptance of the Doctrine of Nonintervention. It is inspiring to note the progress we have made toward establishing a community of nations with authority to enforce the law on delinquents. The Charter of the United Nations specifically invests the world community of nations with a measure of such authority. Within the good-neighbor community of the 21 American Republics we have witnessed and are witnessing a similar constructive development, beginning at Buenos Aires in 1936 with unanimous acceptance of the 'principles of consultation. The development of the Inter-American System was accelerated by the great work done in this city at the 1945 Conference on Problems of War and Peace, where the plan of a reorganized and strengthened System was created.

International relations have traditionally been compared to a chess game in which each nation tries to outwit and checkmate the other. I cannot accept that comparison with respect to the relations between your country and mine, Mr. President. The United States and Mexico are working together for the mutual benefit of their peoples and the peace of the world. You have made me feel, what I could not have doubted in any case, that I stand here, in the midst of the great people of Mexico, as a trusted friend and a welcome guest.

To you and to the people of Mexico I bring a message of friendship and trust from the people of the United States. Though the road be long and wearisome that leads to a good neighborhood as wide as the world, we shall travel it together.

Our two countries will not fail each other.

Thank you.