Address at the Jefferson-Jackson Day Dinner.

Mr. Chairman, Mr. Vice President, Mr. Speaker, fellow Americans:

It gives a man a feeling of great humility, and a feeling of great inadequacy, when he hears the wonderful statements which have been made here tonight about his responsibilities and his ability. I hope I can fulfill the things that are necessary to meet those responsibilities.

This is a meeting of Democrats. More important than that, it is a meeting of Americans. It is a meeting of Americans who put the welfare of their country first.

This is a time when all Americans should put their country first. This is no time for business as usual--or for politics as usual.

There are some people, I am sorry to say, who are playing petty politics, right now, with the future of the country and the peace of the world at stake. These people seem to think that it is more important to win the next election than it is to prevent another world war.

I don't want any Democrat to have any such ideas. I want every Democrat to put patriotism above politics.

My friends, our country is in deadly danger. We face a powerful and ruthless enemy. The only way we can prevail over that enemy is for every man and woman in this country to put national interest above personal interest.

What we are trying to do is to establish peace in the world. And the only way you can have peace in the world is to bring about international law and order.

The men we are honoring here tonight-Thomas Jefferson and Andrew Jackson-knew that.

In their day the United States was small and weak.

Nevertheless, Jefferson and Jackson stood up for international law and order. They worked for peace, but they would not stoop to appeasement. They knew that the United States could not be safe unless it was willing to fight for what was right.

When Jefferson was President, our merchant ships were attacked by the Barbary pirates who ruled the north coast of Africa. Those pirates lived by robbery and human slavery. They were collecting huge sums of money in tribute from European nations. Then the Barbary pirates began to demand that the United States pay them millions of dollars for leaving our ships alone. They were arrogant, they were brutal, and they got away with it until someone finally stood up against them.

Jefferson decided to put a stop to the whole thing. He knew that there were times when a country has to fight against international crime. He sent the United States Navy to Africa. He sent the Marines ashore at Tripoli. He carried the battle to the enemy nearly 5,000 miles away from the United States.

We smashed the power of those bandits, and we won the praise and gratitude of the world. The Pope at that time, Pius VII, declared, "The American commander, with a small force and in a short space of time, has done more for the cause of Christianity than the most powerful nations of Christendom have done for ages."

Now, Jefferson did not believe this Nation could submit to pirates, and neither do we. There is no room for piracy in a free world.

Now, as then, there are times when our country has to fight for law and order.

Today, however, the danger we face is not just a gang of pirates in one part of the world. It is a danger that threatens every nation on earth, every religious faith, every home, and every person in this land. It is the danger that arises from the plans of the Kremlin to conquer the civilized world.

The rulers of the Kremlin have abandoned any serious attempt to improve the lives of the peoples they control. They are taking the men and women and the resources under their control and welding them into a mighty machine for war and conquest. They think they can divide the democratic nations and overthrow them one by one.

If they can do that, they will succeed in isolating and surrounding the United States. Then we should either have to fight a terrible war, against great odds--or yield to the demands of the Kremlin.

Either alternative would be a desperate one.

We must meet this threat just as firmly as Jefferson met the threat of the Barbary pirates.

There is no higher purpose to which we can dedicate ourselves as Democrats and Americans.

For 5 years we have been checking and countering the threats of Communist expansion-all around the world. We have been helping to strengthen free nations to stand up and resist this pressure. Our policy thwarted the Soviet master plan of expansion. So the Communist leaders resorted to open aggression.

This called for a showdown.

The free world gave its answer.

We went to the defense of Korea.

When we did that, nearly everyone in the United States approved. Nearly everyone but the Communists--everyone but the Communists--agreed that it was the only thing to do. But now, there are people who say we should not have done it. There are people who say we should get out of Korea.

These people are making a terrible mistake. They think that we could stop the fight if we got out of Korea. That is not true.

If we got out of Korea, the Communist leaders would strike somewhere else. They would strike at Japan, or the Middle East, or in Europe. And sooner or later they would go on to strike at South America and at our own country.

We do not have a choice between fighting in Korea and not fighting at all. Our choice lies between fighting in Korea or fighting somewhere else--somewhere more difficult-and probably somewhat closer to home.

Our struggle against aggression in Korea has had profound effects.

First, it is preventing our Communist enemy from carrying out his plans. By fighting in Korea, we have kept the rulers of the Kremlin from conquering other countries on their list.

Second, it has given the free world warning, and what is vastly more important, time to begin building up its own defenses. We fight for time. Our struggle has made it clear, not only here, but abroad, that the free world must prepare to defend itself.

Third, our firm stand in Korea has placed a great strain on the whole system of dictatorship. Dictators cannot survive continued reverses. Cracks are already beginning to appear in the structure of international communism.

I do not want to hear anyone say that our effort in Korea has been wasted. Our men there have been fighting for you and for me--for every one of us; for our homes, our futures, and the future of our children--just as surely as if they were fighting on our own soil.

They are fighting in Korea to save us from having to fight on our own soil.

My friends, they are fighting to prevent the sacrifices and suffering of a third world war.

It is important to remember that our purpose in Korea is to stop the world war that would result if Communist aggression were to go unchecked. Our purpose is to restore peace.

If the Communist leaders have learned the lesson that aggression will not be tolerated by the free nations of the world, it should be possible to reach a peaceful settlement in Korea. But it must be settled on a basis that will protect the objectives for which the United Nations are fighting.

To reach such a settlement the Soviet and Chinese Communist leaders must abandon their aggression.

On that point there can be no compromise.

We will not engage in appeasement.

We will make no deals that would reward aggression.

Let there be no mistake in the Kremlin. We want peace--in Korea and in the rest of the world. But we will not give in to aggression.

We know that appeasement does not lead to peace. Appeasement leads to war. Our efforts to prevent war must be founded upon the preservation of freedom and justice.

That is why we are supporting the United Nations.

That is why we are aiding the free countries to build their economic strength.

That is why we are building up our own military defenses, and helping other free nations to build theirs.

These are basic elements of our foreign policy.

Our foreign policy is a world policy, a policy for world peace--peace not only in the Western Hemisphere, but peace in Europe, peace in Asia, peace and .prosperity all around the world.

It is a foreign policy which is above party. In recent years our foreign policy has been shaped and supported by many leaders in both political parties working together. Our foreign policy is truly bipartisan. It is arrived at by give-and-take, and improved by criticism and discussion.

That is the way it ought to be, and the way we are going to try to keep it. We welcome fair and honest debate.

But in recent months we have heard too • much political hokum attacking the bipartisan foreign policy.

The people who are making these attacks cannot agree on any foreign policy of their own. They are just against the foreign policy this country is following. They are not trying to help this country find its way in these troubled times. They are just trying to confuse us. Why? Why do they try to confuse us? I ask you again, why? Because they think if the country is confused and confused enough, they may be able to win the next election. I will tell them right now, as I told them once before, they won't be!

Let me give you a few examples of the thinking of these confusers. And the confusers are not altogether confined to politics, either.

They say they want a powerful defense system, second to none-but they are against universal military training.

They say they want other free nations to resist aggression--but they don't want us to send any troops to help our friends and allies.

They want us to get out of Korea--but they urge us to wage an aggressive war against China. Now, beat that one, if you can!

They say it will provoke Russia to attack if we send troops to Europe--but they are sure Russia won't be provoked if we carry the war to China. It has been categorically stated that Russia will not come in if we bomb Manchuria. The statement was made to me about the Chinese not coming into Korea, and it was made on good authority, too, and I believed it.

They say they want to crush communism-and yet they want us to draw back into our shell and let the rest of the world be overrun by the Reds.

They say they are worried because the Russians outnumber us--but they are not interested in keeping allies who can help us.

The long and short of it is that they want defenses without spending the money, they want us to wage war without an army, they want us to have victory without taking any risks, and they want us to try to run the whole world and to run it without any friends.

You know, it is rather peculiar that these confusers never blame the enemy for anything. The only place they can think of to place the blame is on the President of the United States. I will tell you this: we are not diverted by these political attacks. Every President in the history of this country that has ever done anything has had the same experience, and if I paid any attention to these foolish things which I have been going through here, I would never be able to get my job done. It runs off me like water off a duck!

We have a big job to do here at home. Our job is to get our defense program carried out quickly and efficiently.

We have made tremendous strides in building our defenses in the last few months. We have more than doubled the size of our Armed Forces since last June 25, the newest types of planes and tanks are coming off the assembly lines, and we are building an industrial system which can turn out more military supplies than ever before in our history. And that was the greatest turnout in the history of the world.

With our European partners, we are building a strong combined defense force for the North Atlantic area, under the leadership of a great American, Gen. Dwight D. Eisenhower.

At a time like this, when we as a nation are having to build up our Armed Forces and turn out all the material they need, we cannot--as individuals--do all the things we would normally do here at home. We can't build all the new houses we would like to build. We can't buy all the new gadgets and conveniences we would like. All of us will have to wait a while or do without many things we want.

But I know all Americans will gladly sacrifice some of the material comforts of life to defend the freedoms which give us our inner strength and security.

The Democratic Party has pioneered in the great advances our Nation has made in providing a better life for all our people. The Democratic Party has led the way to better homes, better education, better health, and higher incomes. The Democratic Party has led the way to new respect for the dignity and worth of the individual. These achievements have come about because of our basic belief--the belief that every individual--and every group--in our Nation should have a fair deal.

A fair deal has been our pledge to the American people.

It is still our pledge.

In a time of national emergency like the present, when we all face danger together, it is more important than ever before that everyone have a fair deal.

A fair deal for everyone today means that we all share--and share alike--the responsibilities and the sacrifices of our defense program.

On the battlefields of Korea our men fight together for a common purpose. Black and white, rich and poor, share common hardships and often a common fate. The laborer's son, the farmer's son, and the businessman's son are fighting shoulder-to-shoulder in Korea.

We must have that same united approach to the common cause here at home.

It is as clear now as it was in Jefferson's day that we can enjoy the benefits of freedom only if we assume the responsibilities that go with it.

At this critical time in world history, men and women everywhere look to our Nation for leadership. They know that hope for a better life, human freedom, decency, justice, religion--all these things--depend upon the vigor with which we lead the free world in its fight for survival.

We shall not fail them.

We have known danger many times before, and we have never yielded. The ideals of Jefferson and Jackson have carried us through crises in the past.

They have given us a better and a fuller life.

I am confident that these same ideals will lead us to our goal of a free and peaceful world.