American Federation of Labor and Congress of Industrial Organizations Remarks at the 13th Constitutional Convention.

THE PRESIDENT. President Meany, Secretary-Treasurer Lane Kirkland, men and women of the greatest labor movement in the world:

It's always good to be among old friends and, today especially, to be among such strong and sure American patriots. I might say that the strength and the accomplishments of your great organization teach us a lesson which I am sure that our Nation will remember in the months ahead. Over the years, you have certainly learned the advantages of reelecting your president, and I hope you'll remember this. [Laughter]

MR. MEANY. I'll buy that.

THE PRESIDENT. President Meany said, "I'll buy that." [Laughter]

I think it's accurate to say that President Meany, your president, and Presidents who live in the White House have not always agreed completely. Mr. Meany, you cannot deny that statement. [Laughter] And all of us presidents, labor and government, must realize and we must confess that we are not perfect and sometimes we make mistakes. But together we work for our country and sometimes, most of the time, with notable success.

I've reflected for several weeks about what I would say to you this afternoon about our mutual goals, our legislative successes together, our national accord, and our solid working relationship. With great pride I had intended to point out our accomplishments during the last 34 months: increasing the strength of our Nation, a nation that has stayed at peace; rebuilding our urban centers; continuing our fight against inflation; our progress in expressing our deep compassion for the downtrodden and the weak throughout our society and throughout the world; a dramatic breakthrough in minimum wage law legislation; putting America back to work so that we now have the greatest number of our citizens employed and the greatest percentage of our labor force employed than ever before in the history of the United States, and we can be proud of that achievement together.

It's a great record. It's a record that we have made together. It's one which we can improve in the months ahead. For instance, this country still needs and we are determined to get strong labor law reform. But I must leave these subjects for Ray Marshall to discuss with you, and I am sure that he will carry out this assignment magnificently. He has the approach and the attitude of a working man, and in my judgment he's one of the truly great Secretaries of Labor who have ever served. I am certainly proud that he is a member of the Carter Cabinet.

But today we have other important matters to consider. For a brief time this afternoon I want to speak with you and all Americans about some fundamental principles upon which our Nation was rounded and which we must never forget. To some, these ideals may seem at times to be oldfashioned or outmoded. But we've been clearly reminded in recent days that these principles mean just as much to us now as they have ever meant during any time of critical decision in the history of our Nation.

These fundamentals have old names to which we must continually give new meaning—names like "strength," "courage," "patriotism," "independence," "the love of freedom," "human rights," "justice," "concern for the common good."

This is the 12th day that more than a hundred innocent human beings, some 60 of whom are members of the United States diplomatic mission, have been held hostage in our Embassy in Iran. For a rare time in human history, a host government has condoned and even encouraged this kind of illegal action against a sovereign territory and official diplomatic relations of another nation. This is an act of terrorism-totally outside the bounds of international law and diplomatic tradition.

In this time of trial, our deep concern is for the lives of these brave hostages, our Nation's loyal citizens and faithful representatives. Every American feels anger and outrage at what is happening to them, just as every American feels concern for their safety and pride in their great courage. This crisis calls for firmness, and it calls for restraint. And I'm proud that this situation has brought forth calm leadership by officials and private citizens throughout this country.

Firmness does require patience, and it requires perseverance. Firmness also means measured action, deliberate actions that clarify the real issues, reduce the likelihood of violence, protect our interests, and ensure justice.

The United States has done nothing and will do nothing that could be used to justify violent or imprudent action by anyone. While we are pursuing all avenues of diplomatic resolution, we're also acting unilaterally as appropriate—with restraint, yes, but without hesitation.

First, in order to discourage violence and possible bloodshed here, which when televised and transmitted back to Iran might threaten the safety of the hostages, I've discouraged the issuing of permits for demonstrations on Federal properties here in Washington. Consistent with our laws and pursuant to my own powers and responsibilities, I have also encouraged local and State officials to take similar legal action.

Second, I've directed our immigration authorities to review the visas of some 50,000 Iranian students, who are guests here in our country. Our Nation is fully committed to the enhancement of human rights, the protection of legal rights, and the enhancement of civil justice. All provisions of the United States Constitution will be honored. All foreign nationals who are here lawfully may continue here with their work or their studies. But those who are here illegally will be processed promptly and lawfully for deportation back to their own country.

Third, I want to remove any question that our principles might be compromised by our supposed need for Iranian oil. Early this week, therefore, I ordered an immediate halt to any purchases or shipments of Iranian oil to the United States of America.

I'm determined to make clear that we will never allow any foreign country to dictate any American policy.

Fourth, in order to protect our economic interests and to ensure that claims on Iran by the United States or by United States citizens are settled in an orderly manner, we've legally frozen official Iranian property and financial assets. The order does not affect any accounts other than those of the Government of Iran, the Central Bank of Iran, or other government-controlled entities.

Yesterday I further instructed Secretary of State Vance and Ambassador McHenry to oppose any discussion of Iran's problems in the United Nations Security Council as long as American hostages are being held. Only after the hostages are released will we be willing to address Iran's concerns and, then, under the provisions of international law and under the charter of the United Nations. The members of the United Nations Security Council, I am pleased to announce to you, have agreed unanimously with our own proposal.

It's important for all of us to remember that we will not compromise our fundamental principles of justice no matter how grave the provocation nor how righteous our indignation. At the same time, we will continue to use our influence around the world to obtain the same kinds of human rights for people everywhere.

In this instance, we are upholding an important principle on behalf of the entire world community. It's a clear tenet of international law and diplomatic tradition that the host government is fully responsible for the safety and well-being of the property and the legal representatives of another country. Less than a year ago-and this is a fact not generally known or recognized—less than a year ago, 70,000 American citizens were in Iran. As you know, thousands of people were killed during the upheavals there, but almost miraculously and because of the good work of Cyrus Vance and others, our people were brought home safely. I thank God for it. Despite the turmoil, each succeeding Iranian Government—and they were being changed, as you know, quite rapidly—protected the citizens of other countries.

Foreign visitors are often vulnerable to abuse. An embassy is not a fortress. There are no embassies anywhere in the world that can long withstand the attack of a mob if the mob has the support of the host government itself. We had received repeated assurances of protection from the highest officials in the Iranian Government, even a day or two before the mob was incited to attack and before that protection was withdrawn at the last minute. The principle of inviolability of embassies is understood and accepted by nations everywhere, and it's particularly important to smaller nations which have no recourse to economic or military power. This is why the United Nations Security Council has also unanimously supported our demand for the release of the American hostages.

In accordance with this principle, as recognized and observed by all civilized countries, the Iranian Government and its leaders are fully responsible for the safety and well-being of our representatives in Iran, in Tehran, and they will be held accountable for that responsibility. It is unthinkable that any responsible government in today's modern world could regard the seizure and the holding of the diplomatic officials of another nation as a realistic means to advance any cause whatsoever. Terrorism is not an acceptable means to resolve disputes between individuals or between nations.

No act has so galvanized the American public toward unity in the last decade as has the holding of our people as hostages in Tehran. We stand today as one people. We are dedicated to the principles and the honor of our Nation. We've taken no action which would justify concern among the people or among the Government of Iran. We have done nothing for which any American need apologize. The actions of Iranian leaders and the radicals who invaded our Embassy were completely unjustified. They and all others must know that the United States of America will not yield to international terrorism or to blackmail.

These difficult days have reminded us of basic facts and principles which are fundamental to the existence of us as a people. We will honor all constitutional protections and international law and custom, and we will not let our freedom and our security be jeopardized.

The developments in Iran have made it starkly clear to all of us that our excessive dependence on foreign oil is a direct, physical threat to our freedom and security as Americans. That's why we must all join together in the battle for an energy-secure America. This struggle demands the deliberate and the conscientious participation of every single citizen. Unfortunately, our dependence on foreign oil has been growing for the last 5 or 6 years, especially, when it should have been diminishing. As a nation we have become dependent on the undependable and addicted to the unaffordable.

At Camp David this summer, one man summed up the significance of our energy problems better than any other person there. It was Lane Kirkland. He said to me, "Mr. President, the issue is freedom."

That is exactly the issue today. That's why I've been calling on the Congress and encouraging the American people for the last 2½ years to recognize the danger of excessive dependence on foreign oil. That's why I've ordered phased decontrol of oil prices to make conservation pay and to stimulate domestic energy sources.

This is an extremely important, a vital issue. Do not be misled by political demagoguery. I and every other public official in this country have an obligation to speak the truth and to deal responsibly with the hard facts, and they are hard facts. We cannot close down all nuclear powerplants, burn less coal, refuse to build oil refineries, refuse to explore for new oil sources, oppose the production of synthetic fuels, and at the same time encourage the waste of energy by artificially holding down its price in order to encourage more consumption. This is a ridiculous combination of proposals, which could only be put forward in an election campaign. America knows better.

I am very pleased that our national energy program is now moving steadily through the Congress, after enormous difficulty there and sharp debate. Now more than ever before, it's essential that we have an energy security corporation and a windfall profits tax in order to take care of the poor, encourage production, build a better transportation system. Armed with these new programs, our technology, our creativity, our abundance, our vision, our firm will, America can finally control its own resources, and we can continue to control our own destiny.

Our love of freedom will not be auctioned off for foreign oil. Hundreds of thousands of our forebears gave their very lives for our freedom. Our freedom is not for sale—now or ever in the future.

Every important victory that this Nation has ever won—with Americans struggling together—has made us stronger as a nation. So will it be with the energy problem. There's a clear choice for Americans to make: We can either keep pouring out billions and billions and billions of dollars to foreign countries to import oil-which also buys us inflation, unemployment, and national dependency and insecurity—or we can take some of that money and invest it in America to hire American workers, to unleash American ingenuity, to develop American resources, to promote American energy that Americans own and control. That's the way to approach the energy problem, and that's what we must do together.

There are millions and millions of people who can help directly with this challenge, and there are hundreds of thousands of jobs involved. Next year we anticipate that we will send overseas $70 billion to pay for foreign oil. Just think how many fine things we could do in America with that much money.

So, in the last few days we have been reminded once again of our essential need of energy security so that we can continue to protect the basic principles of our country, and together that's what we must achieve, both for ourselves and, even more importantly, for our children and grandchildren. America must always be militarily strong and economically strong, and that America will always be.

One final comment I'd like to make: America must also maintain its moral and its ethical strength. We are not a selfish people. History has recorded many times America's great generosity, as it does today in Thailand and Kampuchea, formerly known as Cambodia. Even as we face problems of great economic concern here in our own country, we are sparing no effort to help those who are suffering and starving in every way we can.

Compassion enhances American strength. It's one of our deepest values, one to which we will always cling and remain true. Concern for human life and justice is as vital as military power to our special place in the family of nations. Human rights is a compelling idea of our lifetime. Our hearts and our aid will continue to go to those who are suffering, who are starving, or who are deprived of freedom. In this time of tension and turmoil I'm proud that our commitment to American strength and to American principles is unshakable.

And now, in closing, I want to turn aside from our national and international preoccupations for just a moment.

A few weeks ago, with the White House sparkling in the sunlight behind him, Pope John Paul II asked God to bless America's quest for freedom, social justice, and peace. When his moving speech was done, he turned with a great insight to a man seated in front of him, on the front row. While millions around the world watched, the Holy Father clasped the hands of a great American, and he said, and I quote, because I was right there listening, "I know about you, and I know that you have done much good in your life for the working people of the United States and the people of other nations." That man was George Meany.

It was a moving moment, and as President I was especially proud to be an American. No American has fought harder for economic justice for union members and also for millions who've never carried a union card than your leader has, George Meany. No American has believed more deeply in human dignity, not only for workers but for all the helpless and the dispossessed people, the poor and sometimes forgotten people still beyond the reach of the benefits of our own great national bounty. And no American has loved his country more, not only for the democracy at home but for the beacon of freedom and basic human rights which we will continue to keep shining throughout the world.

Mr. Meany, on behalf of the American people, thank you. May God bless all of you.

MR. MEANY. Thank you.